Women and Illegal Arms Violence: Victims or Perpetrators?

Given the sheer number of illegal weapons in South Asia and the widespread indiscriminate casualties compliments of this illegal proliferation, I do not often stop to think of the isolated impact on women or the gender implications. A fascinating analysis calls this issue to mind: Armed Societies, Another Tragedy for Women. Interestingly, the article juxtaposes the impact of illegal arms proliferation on women in three very different conflict regions: Venezuela, Mexico, and Pakistan. The analyst, Humberto Marquez, breaks down the problem in simple terms: In Venezuela, it emerges from the general proliferation of violent crime and police corruption – though this, of course, is not unique to Venezuela alone. In Mexico, it is fueled by drug culture and the predominance of cartels. In Pakistan, (as frequently discussed on this blog), it arises from a complex mix of violent militancy and extremism, insurgency and terrorism, and also corruption and imbalance. Marquez, however, oversimplifies the context in Pakistan to “a hotbed of political and religious struggles,” but clearly it is so much more.

What stands out are less the differences of these country contexts, however, and more their similarities. In Venezuela, the threat of violence by illegal weapons continues to grow “in the lowest-income and least educated segments of the population.” The same can easily be said about Pakistan and (I suspect) also other conflict-ridden areas of the world. Additionally, it is not just in Venezuela that the likelihood of women reporting domestic violence is linked to cultural interpretations of shame and honor. South Asian culture, however different in India and Pakistan, is known to emphasize the duty of honor on women.

In both countries, women have become the sacrificial victims of unbelievably crass honor crimes. Think of India’s archaic practice of sati: self-immolation for widows of the deceased. It was declared illegal in the early 1800s, but continues to be practiced in remote parts of the country where tribal culture still precedes national culture. In Pakistan, honor killings and suicides also remain common practice. Think of Mukhtar Mai – the brave woman who refused to commit suicide, as she was expected to do, after being forcefully raped by members of a neighboring tribe. Though one certainly cannot claim the natural element of fire to be an illegal weapon, the point of both these examples is the burden on women to carry forward tribal or familial honor. This same thinking could very well be behind the use of more modern weapons against women.

Marquez claims that the proliferation and use of illegal weapons for violence against women is a result of perceptions of masculinity – which, according to some, is more closely linked to the use of weapons than is the feminine image. For Marquez,

“In parts of the world where political and religious battles are waged with guns, like Pakistan, ‘the increasing gun culture has put the entire society on a razor’s edge, particularly the women at the receiving end.”

While I realize this may be factually evident throughout the history of war and violence across various cultures globally, it does not sit right with me. (Separately, it is worth mentioning that some studies find women to be equally likely perpetrators of domestic abuse, at least in Western cultures. For more background, start with these studies from the University of Florida, the American Psychological Association, or PubMed.) I would distinguish domestic violence from what I will call extra-domestic or organized violence. At the very least, I do not think it is prudent to limit perceptions of women to the receiving end of violence and overlook the role they have come to play in the proliferation of extra-domestic violence today. In general, I have not come across very many studies on women and illegal weapons – the latter being such a blurry topic to accurately report on in the first place. We do, however, see a rising role for women in more and more organized violence. Though this very well may not be the case in instances of domestic violence, its implications are hugely important. Terrorist cells are increasingly turning to women, for instance, because they supposedly attract less attention and suspicion since they do not fit the stereotype. This is exactly what I mean. Stereotypes about gender are not always helpful and can even be counterproductive in threat recognition, at least in organized violence. Remember LTTE’s women cadres. Remember the Black Widows. Remember Jihad Jane. Remember Dr. Aafia Siddiqui. While there remains much to be done on the problem of domestic violence and the role of illegal weapons in amplifying that problem, perhaps it is best not to generalize women’s role in violence in all spheres. In terms of organized violence, the unexpected can often be an advantage to perpetrators. And women, sadly, are not quite the saints (incapable of harm) that I grew up being told they were.

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